At least, not according to the Australian Christian Lobby. Sure, their main man Jim Wallace used slightly more careful language, but that was the sentiment of what he said. “Just hope that as we remember Servicemen and women today we remember the Australia they fought for – wasn’t gay marriage and Islamic!” was the thoughtful missive he left via Twitter on the 25th.
I generally couldn’t give two shits in a waffle cone what people have to say on Twitter, the place where relevance goes to pick out its funeral clothes in pale blue. But once in a while you get something juicy, someone reposts it, and suddenly giant kerfuffles are exploding over everyone. (They’re kind of like soufflés.)
Generally, also like soufflés, these are massive beat-ups: think Nir Rosen, Catherine Deveny, that poor bloody lady with the horse. But Wallace has more reason for contrition than most. Aside from the fact that most of the towelheads and faggots could demolish him in a grammar challenge, his opinions (which he may have extensively pondered) only reinforce the ill-thought-out prejudices of thousands of other people. At least, they do once they make it onto the evening news.
Wallace said he would stand by his comment “if people read it in the right context and realise I’m not slurring gays. I have a lot of friends and associates who are gays, in fact one even tweeted me last night…” That must’ve been an illicit thrill, Jim. So, not slurring gays, you just don’t think they should have the same rights as proper normal people. Ok, check.
He went on to explain that this revelation of his came about after sitting with his father, a veteran of Tobruk and Milne Bay, who said that he didn’t recognise this Australia as being the one he fought for. Thought Jim, it was a good time to make a statement about our Judeo-Christian heritage, despite the fact that most of Australia these days is about as Christian as a bag of wet socks.
The extra-bad taste in the mouth from all this, though, is his invocation of the ANZACs to back up his point. We shouldn’t have gay marriage because ‘the ANZACs’ didn’t fight for that. We should keep an eye on dodgy Muslims because ‘the ANZACs’ sure as hell didn’t fight for them either. It was in the same vein as a particularly lunk-headed individual named Mick (natch), commenting on my pokies article, that restrictions on people’s gambling meant “the anzacs would be turning in their graves.”
To quote another commenter’s rejoinder, “Everyone loves making the ANZACs say what they want them to. They’re kind of like Jesus like that.”
And spot on. As recent years have ticked by, I’ve increasingly come to loathe ANZAC Day. Not the soldiers it honours, but the modern way of supposedly honouring them. Before you get all down on me for my disrespect, check my credentials. Through high school, my uni major, and my honours year, I specialised in Australian First and Second World War history. I’ve read dozens of biographies and memoirs by servicemen, interviewed WWII vets, and spent countless hours in archives here, in Canberra, and in Singapore. I spent a year in Thailand and Borneo researching prisoner-of-war camps, walked across northern Borneo to retrace a forced march of Aussie soldiers, then drove back and forth several more times to follow up on leads. I wrote a book of poems based on the stories I found, and I’ve done readings from it in all kinds of places to try and make sure those stories are heard. My best mate since primary school is an infantry corporal. I probably have a more direct emotional connection to that history than just about anyone who now chooses to invoke its name when April rolls around.
The fact that I do care so much is why ANZAC Days have increasingly become a time to cringe. It’s the resurgent nationalism and mythologising championed by Keating and Howard. Sentimental crud like ‘the ANZAC spirit’, gets thrown around by every chump with a lectern. People get tagged with it for playing football. The modern understanding of the phrase makes it more and more synonymous with a kind of Aussie boganeering. Thousands of young Australians go to Gallipoli to pay their respects by getting shitfaced, watching rock concerts, unrolling their sleeping bags on the graves of the dead, and fucking off the next day leaving the place completely trashed for the Turks to clean up. Much like 1915, but with a bit more piss. It’s a short step from this ‘spirit’ to the Aussie pride that saw flags tied on as capes down at Cronulla a few years ago. It seems to appeal to the same demographic that have made “Fuck off, we’re full” such a big seller down at Bumper Sticker Bonanza.
The most recent dawn service I went to sounded more like a school assembly, with the officially-voted Most Boring Prick on Earth conducting the service, then the tokenism of some Year 12 from an all-girl private school reading us her revelations after a trip to Gallipoli. The same myth-heavy sacred-worship shite. The ANZACs were this, the ANZACs were that. No, Hannah Montana. The ANZACs were a bunch of different people. The ANZACs weren’t one thing. ‘They’ didn’t believe in this or that, ‘they’ didn’t have these characteristics. They were a group of individuals.
The sanctity shtick is also popular with politicians who want to push a particular view. But the use and misuse of that history is the topic of my next post, which is an actual essay (as opposed to rant) on that subject. Yes, an essay. The internet will fall over when someone posts more than 500 words in one hit. Mind you, the 5000-worder I wrote on Balibo is one of the most popular entries on this site, so, give this a shake. I promise it’s interesting.
All of which brings us, bereft of a segue, back to Mr Wallace. His Twitter post, he said, “was a comment on the nature of the Australia [his father] had fought for, and the need to honour that in the way we preserve it into the future.”
So let me just make sure I’ve got this, Jim. Because soldiers fought and died in 1943, we need to maintain the values they had in 1943. Or do we maintain the values of the ones who fought in 1945? But hang on, they fought and died in 1915 as well… and 1914. So do we wind our values back to then? Do we bring back the Australia Party and the Northern Territory Chief Protector of Aborigines?
Let’s settle on the 1940s in general – Milne Bay and all that. And look at the values of the 1940s. This was an era when it was ok to smack your wife around a bit if she gave you lip. If you went too hard on her too often, then people might tut disapprovingly, like they did with a bloke who kicked his dog. But the odd puffy cheek was nothing to be remarked upon.
This was an era when women were supposed to show respect to men as the heads of the households and their natural superiors.
This was an era when you could pretty casually rape a girl who ended up somewhere alone with you, because if she’d got herself into that situation she was probably asking for it. Girls who said no or changed their minds were just playing hard to get. You know women, right? So fickle, so flighty. It was an era when the Australian occupation troops sent to Japan post-war were involved in the consistent rapes of Japanese women. Not traumatised vengeful former combatants, mind you, but fresh recruits, straight out of training.
This was an era when capital punishment was legal, and conscription was encouraged. This was an era when dodgy foreigners were kept out of the country by being made to sit a test in a language of the examiner’s choosing. Oh, you don’t speak Aramaic? Sorry, you failed. This was an era when Aboriginals weren’t recognised as people. Despite having been here when everyone else rocked up, they weren’t even given citizenship till 1967. Twenty-two years after the war had ended.
Were these the values that our Aussie heroes fought and died for too? Or were these not-so-good values, ones that we can discard? Where’s the distinction, Jim? Where do your values end and your values begin?
Well, guess what. I don’t want to live in the 1940s. I don’t want to live in 1918. I don’t want to brush off Vietnam, Korea, Malaya, because they were morally ambiguous. I don’t want to be part of a culture that makes people saints. I want to respect them for being people. I don’t want to live in a society where people are encouraged to hate each other, either. That kind of hatred is one of the most corrosive things in existence.
When I was in Year 9, I went to a boarding school for a year with this kid named Chris Millet. Word on the street was that he was gay. It was never clear why – I don’t think he even was. The story was along the lines of him being dared to touch another kid’s dick in the change room, and doing it to impress the tougher kids daring him. Presumably it was a set-up, and from that moment on he was branded “faggot”. I don’t mean that kids called him a faggot. I mean that they flat out swore that he was a faggot. And to 14-year-old boys there was nothing more terrifying in the world, nor so potentially destructive to one’s social standing. Millet was a fag, the lowest of the low, and in all my years I have yet to witness anyone treated in such a consistently awful fashion.
Chris Millet was bastardised and ostracised for that entire year. He was mocked, reviled, heckled, and spat at as a matter of course, the mere sight of him passing by enough to prompt a volley of abuse. Some of it was the comic genius of teenage boys (“Bums to the wall, Millet’s on the crawl!”), but usually it was just plain old invective. A big country kid, quiet and thoughtful, he just bowed his broad shoulders and kept on walking. We lived in small dorms of sixteen kids apiece; he was socially frozen out of his. His size meant not many would risk straight-out assaults, but he was routinely pushed and whacked and scuffled with; his belongings stolen, broken, or sabotaged; clothes and bed dirtied or thrown around the dorm; fair game for anyone, anytime. He ate alone, sat in class alone, walked the paths of the school alone. Even the nerdiest of the nerds only associated with him by default. He had no recourse, beyond reach and beyond help.
Even then, I was sickened by it. Even then, I could see that the fear was irrational, like being scared of catching AIDS from a handshake. Even then, I wanted to reject it. But I rarely had contact with Chris. He was in a different dorm, different activities, different classes. It was impossible not to know who he was, but our paths seldom crossed. Whenever they did, walking around school, I would smile and say hello. It was nothing, but more than he got from most people. It still felt so useless, though, that all I could offer was “Hey, Chris.” An actual smile and the sound of his real name. I don’t know if he ever noticed, but I did.
And while I wanted to do more, it was dangerous. I was a new kid that year, only just managing to fit in.
Awkward, strange, providing the kind of comic relief that was mostly jester or dancing chimp. Even though I was sickened, I couldn’t seek him out to talk to, or it would have been obvious. There was the risk his personal opprobrium could have deflected onto me. I felt like a coward, but couldn’t see a way out. Even talking was dicey. One day I said hello to Chris while a kid from my dorm was walking with me. “What’s going on there?” said Will as we continued up the road. “Are you and Millet special friends?” And while he was mostly taking the piss there was still an edge to it; I could still sense that moment balancing, the risk that if he decided to push the topic with others around, it could easily tip the wrong way.
That school was tough. We spent three days a week hiking – proper stuff, 30-kilo packs, heavy old gear, 30-kilometre days through the Vic Alps. More than one stretch of mountains I crossed crying, or trying not to, or bent double, crawling up slopes with hands as well as feet. Other times I was painfully homesick, weeks spent with just the indifference of other kids and the professional distance of teachers. No phones, no internet, no way home. Physical exhaustion and isolation.
It was one of the hardest years of my life. The small group of friends I made were the one blessing that meant it could be borne. And that was exactly the thing that Chris Millet didn’t have. I cannot imagine how he made it through that year alone. Not just alone, but in the face of constant and targeted aggression. I would have buckled and gone home broken.
The last night of that year, there was a big get-together in the dining hall. When it was over I left the building looking for one person. I wandered around till I spotted him, that round-shouldered trudge, a fair way off up the hill towards his dorm. I don’t know if he was a great guy underneath it all. We never even had a proper conversation. He was just a big, quiet kid, brutalised into shyness. But I did know he didn’t deserve what he’d got. I ran up the hill after him and called out, and when he stopped, looking back a little hesitantly, I jogged up and shook his hand. “Congratulations on surviving the year,” I said. And I hope he understood how much I meant it.
That wasn’t the 1940s. That was the 1990s. And I don’t doubt you could find similar instances today. It’s attitudes like Jim Wallace’s that give legitimacy to the kind of reflex hatred that was thrown at that kid all those years ago. It’s attitudes like Wallace’s that legitimise dudes throwing molotovs at mosques in Sydney because something blew up in Bali.
And that shit doesn’t just go away. Dealing with homophobia isn’t a matter of surviving your awkward adolescence to find the inner-urban Greens-voting world has become yours to enjoy. Not every gay man gets to flower into Benjamin Law’s dashing-young-homosexual-about-town persona. Some are awkward and nervous and clumsy and just plain uncharismatic. And the kind of damage done by that early hatred will stay with them for good.
Memo: Jim Wallace. Relax. Gay marriage does not entitle hordes of faggots to come round to your house and fuck you in the mouth. At least, not without your express consent. I rather wish they would, because at least that might shut you up, but it’s not going to happen. So what exactly is your problem? None of this legislation has any effect on your life whatsoever. Your only connection is that it makes you uncomfortable from a distance. And guess what, champ? That doesn’t give you the right to have a say. Take a pew, Jim.
As for citing ‘Anzac values’, or however you want to phrase it, it’s a rolled-gold furphy. There was no charter of mutual ideology at the recruitment office, in any of our wars. Reasons for joining up were as varied and individual as the men themselves. You have no right to start designating what those men believed.
But if you want to boil things down to the basic principle on which the war was fought – the national political principle – it was that smaller and weaker powers should not be dominated by larger ones. It was that men (and yes, it was men) should have the right to determine their own form of government, and reap the rewards of their own lands. It was (putting aside the attendant hypocrisy of the Allies’ colonial pasts) that Germany had no right to push around Poland or Czechoslovakia, and Japan no right to stand over China or Korea. It was that those people should live free, and free from fear.
Australians deserve to live free from fear too. There were nearly a million Aussie servicemen and women in WWII. Stands to reason more than a few of them were gay, even if they didn’t admit it. How could they have, when most of the population would have regarded them as either criminal, deviant, disgusting, or mentally ill? How about the 70s or 80s, when gays starting to live more openly were bashed and killed in parks and streets? Or the Sudanese kid bashed to death in Melbourne a couple of years ago? How do you feel being a Lakemba Muslim when racial tensions start heating up? Living your life in fear doesn’t only apply to warzones.
Australian soldiers fought and died in 1943. Australian soldiers fought and died in 2011, too. And in 2010, and in 2009. So what about protecting the values they represented? Like the freedom to be yourself and love you who want. The freedom to practice your religion in peace. Values like a tolerance of difference. What about protecting a society where warmth and kindness and generosity of spirit are promoted ahead of distrust, segregation and disapproval? I’d like to live in a society like that. I might even be prepared to fight for it.
Because guess what, Jim? Faggots and towelheads are people too. And in a society that still calls them faggots and towelheads, they’re some of the most vulnerable people we’ve got.
If you want to talk to me about values worth dying for, protecting the vulnerable would be a good place to start.
Friday, April 29, 2011
Sunday, April 24, 2011
Dr Tariq Ali on history and politics
:
In his talk entitled “The West, the Arab World and its Discontents”, Dr Ali, who was born in Lahore in 1943 and educated at Oxford, attributed the current uprisings in the Arab world to widespread dissatisfaction with the neo-liberal capitalism system.
“This particular system punishes the poor and rewards the rich, who are blinded by greed. Things reached a breaking point and uprisings were triggered because of the inability of the elite to deal with the discontent and the refusal of the poor to continue living in dire conditions,” he said.
To fully understand the current dynamics of the Arab uprisings, Dr Ali said it is necessary to consider the history of South America’s 1990s revolts against neoliberalism and imperial globalisation. “The interesting thing about the South American struggles, which I believe have had a huge impact on the Arab world, is they marked a new type of struggle in which social movements from below were organised differently from traditional labour movements.
They built new layers of action and cadres and gave rise to new political parties who contested elections, promised certain things and actually delivered when they were elected,” he said. Dr Ali said he believes there are links between the current Arab uprisings and the struggles in South America, because “in both cases the people were just fed up. This took the western world by surprise. They were not expecting it,” he said.
In considering the trigger of the recent Egyptian uprisings, Dr Ali said he believes recent events in Tunisia, in which the unemployed took on the elite in a series of riots after building discontent following the economic crisis of 2008, played a crucial role. “After the Tunisians, who are regarded as soft-natured people in the Arab world, had taken on their government and demonstrated their dissatisfaction with the level of greed in the administration, the rest of the Arab world thought, ‘Well if the Tunisians can do it, so can we.’ Tunisians are generally a people who carry on with their lives without too much fuss, so when they marched and got rid of their dictator, the whole Arab world erupted,” he said. Before long, , the Tunisian ripple became a wave and engulfed the Arab world.
Ideology also played a crucial role in the uprisings as explained by Dr Ali. “One of the most powerful things that has huge consequences is a widespread loss of fear of death. When people lose one of the most important fears in the lives of human beings, that of dying, they are capable of performing political miracles.
The repression was heavy enough to cause this to happen, and when it gave, anything was possible,” he said.
Although Dr Ali acknowledged the importance of the current Arab uprisings and their potential effect on the international community, he said he would not go so far as to classify them as revolutions. “I wouldn’t classify them as such because they are not systemic in nature. They are uprisings to get rid of dictators who have sat on the neck of people for up to 40 years and the people had just had enough,” he said.
How the uprisings pan out will depend largely on what the people demand and whether they attain these demands, Dr Ali said. “The cancer of corruption runs deep in these societies, and the people need to create visible alternatives to the existing structures to rid themselves of the problems,” he added.
Dr Ali owned his own independent television production company, Bandung, which produced programmes for Channel 4 in the UK during the 1980s. He is a regular broadcaster on BBC Radio and contributes articles and journalism to magazines and newspapers including The Guardian and the London Review of Books. He is editorial director of London publishers Verso and is on the board of the New Left Review, for whom he is also an editor. He is author of some 24 books, including Can Pakistan Survive? The Death of a State (1991), Clash of Fundamentalisms: Crusades, Jihads and Modernity (2002), Bush in Babylon (2003), Conversations with Edward Said (2005), Pirates of the Caribbean: Axis of Hope (2006) and The Obama Syndrome (2010).
Story by Sarah-Jane Bradfield
Friday, April 22, 2011
The Contours of Global Order by Noam Chomsky
Noam Chomsky
The democracy uprising in the Arab world has been a spectacular display of courage, dedication, and commitment by popular forces -- coinciding, fortuitously, with a remarkable uprising of tens of thousands in support of working people and democracy in Madison, Wisconsin, and other U.S. cities. If the trajectories of revolt in Cairo and Madison intersected, however, they were headed in opposite directions: in Cairo toward gaining elementary rights denied by the dictatorship, in Madison towards defending rights that had been won in long and hard struggles and are now under severe attack.
Each is a microcosm of tendencies in global society, following varied courses. There are sure to be far-reaching consequences of what is taking place both in the decaying industrial heartland of the richest and most powerful country in human history, and in what President Dwight Eisenhower called "the most strategically important area in the world" -- "a stupendous source of strategic power" and "probably the richest economic prize in the world in the field of foreign investment," in the words of the State Department in the 1940s, a prize that the U.S. intended to keep for itself and its allies in the unfolding New World Order of that day.
Despite all the changes since, there is every reason to suppose that today's policy-makers basically adhere to the judgment of President Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s influential advisor A.A. Berle that control of the incomparable energy reserves of the Middle East would yield "substantial control of the world." And correspondingly, that loss of control would threaten the project of global dominance that was clearly articulated during World War II, and that has been sustained in the face of major changes in world order since that day.
From the outset of the war in 1939, Washington anticipated that it would end with the U.S. in a position of overwhelming power. High-level State Department officials and foreign policy specialists met through the wartime years to lay out plans for the postwar world. They delineated a "Grand Area" that the U.S. was to dominate, including the Western hemisphere, the Far East, and the former British empire, with its Middle East energy resources. As Russia began to grind down Nazi armies after Stalingrad, Grand Area goals extended to as much of Eurasia as possible, at least its economic core in Western Europe. Within the Grand Area, the U.S. would maintain "unquestioned power," with "military and economic supremacy," while ensuring the "limitation of any exercise of sovereignty" by states that might interfere with its global designs. The careful wartime plans were soon implemented.
It was always recognized that Europe might choose to follow an independent course. NATO was partially intended to counter this threat. As soon as the official pretext for NATO dissolved in 1989, NATO was expanded to the East in violation of verbal pledges to Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev. It has since become a U.S.-run intervention force, with far-ranging scope, spelled out by NATO Secretary-General Jaap de Hoop Scheffer, who informed a NATO conference that "NATO troops have to guard pipelines that transport oil and gas that is directed for the West," and more generally to protect sea routes used by tankers and other "crucial infrastructure" of the energy system.
Grand Area doctrines clearly license military intervention at will. That conclusion was articulated clearly by the Clinton administration, which declared that the U.S. has the right to use military force to ensure "uninhibited access to key markets, energy supplies, and strategic resources," and must maintain huge military forces "forward deployed" in Europe and Asia "in order to shape people's opinions about us" and "to shape events that will affect our livelihood and our security."
The same principles governed the invasion of Iraq. As the U.S. failure to impose its will in Iraq was becoming unmistakable, the actual goals of the invasion could no longer be concealed behind pretty rhetoric. In November 2007, the White House issued a Declaration of Principles demanding that U.S. forces must remain indefinitely in Iraq and committing Iraq to privilege American investors. Two months later, President Bush informed Congress that he would reject legislation that might limit the permanent stationing of U.S. Armed Forces in Iraq or "United States control of the oil resources of Iraq" -- demands that the U.S. had to abandon shortly after in the face of Iraqi resistance.
In Tunisia and Egypt, the recent popular uprisings have won impressive victories, but as the Carnegie Endowment reported, while names have changed, the regimes remain: "A change in ruling elites and system of governance is still a distant goal." The report discusses internal barriers to democracy, but ignores the external ones, which as always are significant.
The U.S. and its Western allies are sure to do whatever they can to prevent authentic democracy in the Arab world. To understand why, it is only necessary to look at the studies of Arab opinion conducted by U.S. polling agencies. Though barely reported, they are certainly known to planners. They reveal that by overwhelming majorities, Arabs regard the U.S. and Israel as the major threats they face: the U.S. is so regarded by 90% of Egyptians, in the region generally by over 75%. Some Arabs regard Iran as a threat: 10%. Opposition to U.S. policy is so strong that a majority believes that security would be improved if Iran had nuclear weapons -- in Egypt, 80%. Other figures are similar. If public opinion were to influence policy, the U.S. not only would not control the region, but would be expelled from it, along with its allies, undermining fundamental principles of global dominance.
The Invisible Hand of Power
Support for democracy is the province of ideologists and propagandists. In the real world, elite dislike of democracy is the norm. The evidence is overwhelming that democracy is supported insofar as it contributes to social and economic objectives, a conclusion reluctantly conceded by the more serious scholarship.
Elite contempt for democracy was revealed dramatically in the reaction to the WikiLeaks exposures. Those that received most attention, with euphoric commentary, were cables reporting that Arabs support the U.S. stand on Iran. The reference was to the ruling dictators. The attitudes of the public were unmentioned. The guiding principle was articulated clearly by Carnegie Endowment Middle East specialist Marwan Muasher, formerly a high official of the Jordanian government: "There is nothing wrong, everything is under control." In short, if the dictators support us, what else could matter?
The Muasher doctrine is rational and venerable. To mention just one case that is highly relevant today, in internal discussion in 1958, president Eisenhower expressed concern about "the campaign of hatred" against us in the Arab world, not by governments, but by the people. The National Security Council (NSC) explained that there is a perception in the Arab world that the U.S. supports dictatorships and blocks democracy and development so as to ensure control over the resources of the region. Furthermore, the perception is basically accurate, the NSC concluded, and that is what we should be doing, relying on the Muasher doctrine. Pentagon studies conducted after 9/11 confirmed that the same holds today.
It is normal for the victors to consign history to the trash can, and for victims to take it seriously. Perhaps a few brief observations on this important matter may be useful. Today is not the first occasion when Egypt and the U.S. are facing similar problems, and moving in opposite directions. That was also true in the early nineteenth century.
Economic historians have argued that Egypt was well-placed to undertake rapid economic development at the same time that the U.S. was. Both had rich agriculture, including cotton, the fuel of the early industrial revolution -- though unlike Egypt, the U.S. had to develop cotton production and a work force by conquest, extermination, and slavery, with consequences that are evident right now in the reservations for the survivors and the prisons that have rapidly expanded since the Reagan years to house the superfluous population left by deindustrialization.
One fundamental difference was that the U.S. had gained independence and was therefore free to ignore the prescriptions of economic theory, delivered at the time by Adam Smith in terms rather like those preached to developing societies today. Smith urged the liberated colonies to produce primary products for export and to import superior British manufactures, and certainly not to attempt to monopolize crucial goods, particularly cotton. Any other path, Smith warned, "would retard instead of accelerating the further increase in the value of their annual produce, and would obstruct instead of promoting the progress of their country towards real wealth and greatness."
Having gained their independence, the colonies were free to ignore his advice and to follow England's course of independent state-guided development, with high tariffs to protect industry from British exports, first textiles, later steel and others, and to adopt numerous other devices to accelerate industrial development. The independent Republic also sought to gain a monopoly of cotton so as to "place all other nations at our feet," particularly the British enemy, as the Jacksonian presidents announced when conquering Texas and half of Mexico.
For Egypt, a comparable course was barred by British power. Lord Palmerston declared that "no ideas of fairness [toward Egypt] ought to stand in the way of such great and paramount interests" of Britain as preserving its economic and political hegemony, expressing his "hate" for the "ignorant barbarian" Muhammed Ali who dared to seek an independent course, and deploying Britain's fleet and financial power to terminate Egypt's quest for independence and economic development.
After World War II, when the U.S. displaced Britain as global hegemon, Washington adopted the same stand, making it clear that the U.S. would provide no aid to Egypt unless it adhered to the standard rules for the weak -- which the U.S. continued to violate, imposing high tariffs to bar Egyptian cotton and causing a debilitating dollar shortage. The usual interpretation of market principles.
It is small wonder that the "campaign of hatred" against the U.S. that concerned Eisenhower was based on the recognition that the U.S. supports dictators and blocks democracy and development, as do its allies.
In Adam Smith's defense, it should be added that he recognized what would happen if Britain followed the rules of sound economics, now called "neoliberalism." He warned that if British manufacturers, merchants, and investors turned abroad, they might profit but England would suffer. But he felt that they would be guided by a home bias, so as if by an invisible hand England would be spared the ravages of economic rationality.
The passage is hard to miss. It is the one occurrence of the famous phrase "invisible hand" in The Wealth of Nations. The other leading founder of classical economics, David Ricardo, drew similar conclusions, hoping that home bias would lead men of property to "be satisfied with the low rate of profits in their own country, rather than seek a more advantageous employment for their wealth in foreign nations," feelings that, he added, "I should be sorry to see weakened." Their predictions aside, the instincts of the classical economists were sound.
The Iranian and Chinese “Threats”
The democracy uprising in the Arab world is sometimes compared to Eastern Europe in 1989, but on dubious grounds. In 1989, the democracy uprising was tolerated by the Russians, and supported by western power in accord with standard doctrine: it plainly conformed to economic and strategic objectives, and was therefore a noble achievement, greatly honored, unlike the struggles at the same time "to defend the people's fundamental human rights" in Central America, in the words of the assassinated Archbishop of El Salvador, one of the hundreds of thousands of victims of the military forces armed and trained by Washington. There was no Gorbachev in the West throughout these horrendous years, and there is none today. And Western power remains hostile to democracy in the Arab world for good reasons.
Grand Area doctrines continue to apply to contemporary crises and confrontations. In Western policy-making circles and political commentary the Iranian threat is considered to pose the greatest danger to world order and hence must be the primary focus of U.S. foreign policy, with Europe trailing along politely.
What exactly is the Iranian threat? An authoritative answer is provided by the Pentagon and U.S. intelligence. Reporting on global security last year, they make it clear that the threat is not military. Iran's military spending is "relatively low compared to the rest of the region," they conclude. Its military doctrine is strictly "defensive, designed to slow an invasion and force a diplomatic solution to hostilities." Iran has only "a limited capability to project force beyond its borders." With regard to the nuclear option, "Iran's nuclear program and its willingness to keep open the possibility of developing nuclear weapons is a central part of its deterrent strategy." All quotes.
The brutal clerical regime is doubtless a threat to its own people, though it hardly outranks U.S. allies in that regard. But the threat lies elsewhere, and is ominous indeed. One element is Iran's potential deterrent capacity, an illegitimate exercise of sovereignty that might interfere with U.S. freedom of action in the region. It is glaringly obvious why Iran would seek a deterrent capacity; a look at the military bases and nuclear forces in the region suffices to explain.
Seven years ago, Israeli military historian Martin van Creveld wrote that "The world has witnessed how the United States attacked Iraq for, as it turned out, no reason at all. Had the Iranians not tried to build nuclear weapons, they would be crazy," particularly when they are under constant threat of attack in violation of the UN Charter. Whether they are doing so remains an open question, but perhaps so.
But Iran's threat goes beyond deterrence. It is also seeking to expand its influence in neighboring countries, the Pentagon and U.S. intelligence emphasize, and in this way to "destabilize" the region (in the technical terms of foreign policy discourse). The U.S. invasion and military occupation of Iran's neighbors is "stabilization." Iran's efforts to extend its influence to them are "destabilization," hence plainly illegitimate.
Such usage is routine. Thus the prominent foreign policy analyst James Chace was properly using the term "stability" in its technical sense when he explained that in order to achieve "stability" in Chile it was necessary to "destabilize" the country (by overthrowing the elected government of Salvador Allende and installing the dictatorship of General Augusto Pinochet). Other concerns about Iran are equally interesting to explore, but perhaps this is enough to reveal the guiding principles and their status in imperial culture. As Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s planners emphasized at the dawn of the contemporary world system, the U.S. cannot tolerate "any exercise of sovereignty" that interferes with its global designs.
The U.S. and Europe are united in punishing Iran for its threat to stability, but it is useful to recall how isolated they are. The nonaligned countries have vigorously supported Iran's right to enrich uranium. In the region, Arab public opinion even strongly favors Iranian nuclear weapons. The major regional power, Turkey, voted against the latest U.S.-initiated sanctions motion in the Security Council, along with Brazil, the most admired country of the South. Their disobedience led to sharp censure, not for the first time: Turkey had been bitterly condemned in 2003 when the government followed the will of 95% of the population and refused to participate in the invasion of Iraq, thus demonstrating its weak grasp of democracy, western-style.
After its Security Council misdeed last year, Turkey was warned by Obama's top diplomat on European affairs, Philip Gordon, that it must "demonstrate its commitment to partnership with the West." A scholar with the Council on Foreign Relations asked, "How do we keep the Turks in their lane?" -- following orders like good democrats. Brazil's Lula was admonished in a New York Times headline that his effort with Turkey to provide a solution to the uranium enrichment issue outside of the framework of U.S. power was a "Spot on Brazilian Leader's Legacy." In brief, do what we say, or else.
An interesting sidelight, effectively suppressed, is that the Iran-Turkey-Brazil deal was approved in advance by Obama, presumably on the assumption that it would fail, providing an ideological weapon against Iran. When it succeeded, the approval turned to censure, and Washington rammed through a Security Council resolution so weak that China readily signed -- and is now chastised for living up to the letter of the resolution but not Washington's unilateral directives -- in the current issue of Foreign Affairs, for example.
While the U.S. can tolerate Turkish disobedience, though with dismay, China is harder to ignore. The press warns that "China's investors and traders are now filling a vacuum in Iran as businesses from many other nations, especially in Europe, pull out," and in particular, is expanding its dominant role in Iran's energy industries. Washington is reacting with a touch of desperation. The State Department warned China that if it wants to be accepted in the international community -- a technical term referring to the U.S. and whoever happens to agree with it -- then it must not "skirt and evade international responsibilities, [which] are clear": namely, follow U.S. orders. China is unlikely to be impressed.
There is also much concern about the growing Chinese military threat. A recent Pentagon study warned that China's military budget is approaching "one-fifth of what the Pentagon spent to operate and carry out the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan," a fraction of the U.S. military budget, of course. China's expansion of military forces might "deny the ability of American warships to operate in international waters off its coast," the New York Times added.
Off the coast of China, that is; it has yet to be proposed that the U.S. should eliminate military forces that deny the Caribbean to Chinese warships. China's lack of understanding of rules of international civility is illustrated further by its objections to plans for the advanced nuclear-powered aircraft carrier George Washington to join naval exercises a few miles off China's coast, with alleged capacity to strike Beijing.
In contrast, the West understands that such U.S. operations are all undertaken to defend stability and its own security. The liberal New Republic expresses its concern that "China sent ten warships through international waters just off the Japanese island of Okinawa." That is indeed a provocation -- unlike the fact, unmentioned, that Washington has converted the island into a major military base in defiance of vehement protests by the people of Okinawa. That is not a provocation, on the standard principle that we own the world.
Deep-seated imperial doctrine aside, there is good reason for China's neighbors to be concerned about its growing military and commercial power. And though Arab opinion supports an Iranian nuclear weapons program, we certainly should not do so. The foreign policy literature is full of proposals as to how to counter the threat. One obvious way is rarely discussed: work to establish a nuclear-weapons-free zone (NWFZ) in the region. The issue arose (again) at the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) conference at United Nations headquarters last May. Egypt, as chair of the 118 nations of the Non-Aligned Movement, called for negotiations on a Middle East NWFZ, as had been agreed by the West, including the U.S., at the 1995 review conference on the NPT.
International support is so overwhelming that Obama formally agreed. It is a fine idea, Washington informed the conference, but not now. Furthermore, the U.S. made clear that Israel must be exempted: no proposal can call for Israel's nuclear program to be placed under the auspices of the International Atomic Energy Agency or for the release of information about "Israeli nuclear facilities and activities." So much for this method of dealing with the Iranian nuclear threat.
Privatizing the Planet
While Grand Area doctrine still prevails, the capacity to implement it has declined. The peak of U.S. power was after World War II, when it had literally half the world's wealth. But that naturally declined, as other industrial economies recovered from the devastation of the war and decolonization took its agonizing course. By the early 1970s, the U.S. share of global wealth had declined to about 25%, and the industrial world had become tripolar: North America, Europe, and East Asia (then Japan-based).
There was also a sharp change in the U.S. economy in the 1970s, towards financialization and export of production. A variety of factors converged to create a vicious cycle of radical concentration of wealth, primarily in the top fraction of 1% of the population -- mostly CEOs, hedge-fund managers, and the like. That leads to the concentration of political power, hence state policies to increase economic concentration: fiscal policies, rules of corporate governance, deregulation, and much more. Meanwhile the costs of electoral campaigns skyrocketed, driving the parties into the pockets of concentrated capital, increasingly financial: the Republicans reflexively, the Democrats -- by now what used to be moderate Republicans -- not far behind.
Elections have become a charade, run by the public relations industry. After his 2008 victory, Obama won an award from the industry for the best marketing campaign of the year. Executives were euphoric. In the business press they explained that they had been marketing candidates like other commodities since Ronald Reagan, but 2008 was their greatest achievement and would change the style in corporate boardrooms. The 2012 election is expected to cost $2 billion, mostly in corporate funding. Small wonder that Obama is selecting business leaders for top positions. The public is angry and frustrated, but as long as the Muasher principle prevails, that doesn't matter.
While wealth and power have narrowly concentrated, for most of the population real incomes have stagnated and people have been getting by with increased work hours, debt, and asset inflation, regularly destroyed by the financial crises that began as the regulatory apparatus was dismantled starting in the 1980s.
None of this is problematic for the very wealthy, who benefit from a government insurance policy called "too big to fail." The banks and investment firms can make risky transactions, with rich rewards, and when the system inevitably crashes, they can run to the nanny state for a taxpayer bailout, clutching their copies of Friedrich Hayek and Milton Friedman.
That has been the regular process since the Reagan years, each crisis more extreme than the last -- for the public population, that is. Right now, real unemployment is at Depression levels for much of the population, while Goldman Sachs, one of the main architects of the current crisis, is richer than ever. It has just quietly announced $17.5 billion in compensation for last year, with CEO Lloyd Blankfein receiving a $12.6 million bonus while his base salary more than triples.
It wouldn't do to focus attention on such facts as these. Accordingly, propaganda must seek to blame others, in the past few months, public sector workers, their fat salaries, exorbitant pensions, and so on: all fantasy, on the model of Reaganite imagery of black mothers being driven in their limousines to pick up welfare checks -- and other models that need not be mentioned. We all must tighten our belts; almost all, that is.
Teachers are a particularly good target, as part of the deliberate effort to destroy the public education system from kindergarten through the universities by privatization -- again, good for the wealthy, but a disaster for the population, as well as the long-term health of the economy, but that is one of the externalities that is put to the side insofar as market principles prevail.
Another fine target, always, is immigrants. That has been true throughout U.S. history, even more so at times of economic crisis, exacerbated now by a sense that our country is being taken away from us: the white population will soon become a minority. One can understand the anger of aggrieved individuals, but the cruelty of the policy is shocking.
Who are the immigrants targeted? In Eastern Massachusetts, where I live, many are Mayans fleeing genocide in the Guatemalan highlands carried out by Reagan's favorite killers. Others are Mexican victims of Clinton's NAFTA, one of those rare government agreements that managed to harm working people in all three of the participating countries. As NAFTA was rammed through Congress over popular objection in 1994, Clinton also initiated the militarization of the U.S.-Mexican border, previously fairly open. It was understood that Mexican campesinos cannot compete with highly subsidized U.S. agribusiness, and that Mexican businesses would not survive competition with U.S. multinationals, which must be granted "national treatment" under the mislabeled free trade agreements, a privilege granted only to corporate persons, not those of flesh and blood. Not surprisingly, these measures led to a flood of desperate refugees, and to rising anti-immigrant hysteria by the victims of state-corporate policies at home.
Much the same appears to be happening in Europe, where racism is probably more rampant than in the U.S. One can only watch with wonder as Italy complains about the flow of refugees from Libya, the scene of the first post-World War I genocide, in the now-liberated East, at the hands of Italy's Fascist government. Or when France, still today the main protector of the brutal dictatorships in its former colonies, manages to overlook its hideous atrocities in Africa, while French President Nicolas Sarkozy warns grimly of the "flood of immigrants" and Marine Le Pen objects that he is doing nothing to prevent it. I need not mention Belgium, which may win the prize for what Adam Smith called "the savage injustice of the Europeans."
The rise of neo-fascist parties in much of Europe would be a frightening phenomenon even if we were not to recall what happened on the continent in the recent past. Just imagine the reaction if Jews were being expelled from France to misery and oppression, and then witness the non-reaction when that is happening to Roma, also victims of the Holocaust and Europe's most brutalized population.
In Hungary, the neo-fascist party Jobbik gained 17% of the vote in national elections, perhaps unsurprising when three-quarters of the population feels that they are worse off than under Communist rule. We might be relieved that in Austria the ultra-right Jörg Haider won only 10% of the vote in 2008 -- were it not for the fact that the new Freedom Party, outflanking him from the far right, won more than 17%. It is chilling to recall that, in 1928, the Nazis won less than 3% of the vote in Germany.
In England the British National Party and the English Defence League, on the ultra-racist right, are major forces. (What is happening in Holland you know all too well.) In Germany, Thilo Sarrazin's lament that immigrants are destroying the country was a runaway best-seller, while Chancellor Angela Merkel, though condemning the book, declared that multiculturalism had "utterly failed": the Turks imported to do the dirty work in Germany are failing to become blond and blue-eyed, true Aryans.
Those with a sense of irony may recall that Benjamin Franklin, one of the leading figures of the Enlightenment, warned that the newly liberated colonies should be wary of allowing Germans to immigrate, because they were too swarthy; Swedes as well. Into the twentieth century, ludicrous myths of Anglo-Saxon purity were common in the U.S., including among presidents and other leading figures. Racism in the literary culture has been a rank obscenity; far worse in practice, needless to say. It is much easier to eradicate polio than this horrifying plague, which regularly becomes more virulent in times of economic distress.
I do not want to end without mentioning another externality that is dismissed in market systems: the fate of the species. Systemic risk in the financial system can be remedied by the taxpayer, but no one will come to the rescue if the environment is destroyed. That it must be destroyed is close to an institutional imperative. Business leaders who are conducting propaganda campaigns to convince the population that anthropogenic global warming is a liberal hoax understand full well how grave is the threat, but they must maximize short-term profit and market share. If they don't, someone else will.
This vicious cycle could well turn out to be lethal. To see how grave the danger is, simply have a look at the new Congress in the U.S., propelled into power by business funding and propaganda. Almost all are climate deniers. They have already begun to cut funding for measures that might mitigate environmental catastrophe. Worse, some are true believers; for example, the new head of a subcommittee on the environment who explained that global warming cannot be a problem because God promised Noah that there will not be another flood.
If such things were happening in some small and remote country, we might laugh. Not when they are happening in the richest and most powerful country in the world. And before we laugh, we might also bear in mind that the current economic crisis is traceable in no small measure to the fanatic faith in such dogmas as the efficient market hypothesis, and in general to what Nobel laureate Joseph Stiglitz, 15 years ago, called the "religion" that markets know best -- which prevented the central bank and the economics profession from taking notice of an $8 trillion housing bubble that had no basis at all in economic fundamentals, and that devastated the economy when it burst.
All of this, and much more, can proceed as long as the Muashar doctrine prevails. As long as the general population is passive, apathetic, diverted to consumerism or hatred of the vulnerable, then the powerful can do as they please, and those who survive will be left to contemplate the outcome.
This piece is adapted from a talk given in Amsterdam in March.
Published on Thursday, April 21, 2011 by TomDispatch Is the World Too Big to Fail?
Noam Chomsky is Institute Professor (retired) at MIT. He is the author of many books and articles on international affairs and social-political issues, and a long-time participant in activist movements. His most recent books include: Failed States, What We Say Goes (with David Barsamian), Hegemony or Survival, and the Essential Chomsky.
John Pilger Q&A Transcript: embedded journalism, Murdoch press, Israel-Palestine, WikiLeaks
John Pilger addressed a sold-out crowd of over 400 people in Sydney at a special screening of his new documentary, The War You Don’t See. Following the screening Pilger answered questions on the Australian and international media, relationships between corporations or governments and our media, embedded journalism, Israel-Palestine media coverage (including the current campaign against Marrickville BDS supporters), WikiLeaks and much more.
Below is a rush transcript of the Q&A session with Pilger, please excuse any errors that might exist. There are a few indecipherable moments, as indicated, and questions have been paraphrased (or key concepts indicated) as it was difficult to properly hear the audience members putting questions. The videos of this Q&A will soon be available to view in full in the next 24 hours.
Pre-film Introduction from John Pilger
Thank you all for coming out in such generous numbers tonight. I would like to follow Paul and thank him and his comrades at Green Left who have done such incredible work in arranging events like this, and just doing the work they do, be it here tonight, at Marrickville council tonight. So all thanks to them.
My thanks also to SBS. I haven’t been on television in Australia for some years. SBS did an excellent job of putting this film to air, and promoting it. So my thanks go to them. It will be shown again on SBS, I don’t know when. The DVD will be available from I believe May 1st.
What I’d like to do is make this mostly a forum about the issues raised in the film. So when I come back after the film has been shown, I’ll say a few words, perhaps bring it up to date a little, but I want to give it over to you to ask me questions, and raise questions about the issues in the film, and I’d like to ask you to keep it to the issues in the film. That’s pretty wide. We are talking about media. This is why we are here tonight. We are talking about media and the way it represents and misrepresents. The way it presents and omits. This film was made about the main broadcast networks in the UK and in the US. It was originally made, like all my films, for the UK network ITV and shown in the UK in December.
But all the issues raised in this film apply here plus, there is a problem, a major problem in communications in Australia. It is the problem, the control of the media, the fact that we have such a dominant force, for example, by the Murdoch organisation in the press itself, and a like-minded dominance in much, if not most, of the rest of the media. These are issues that I think this film will translate, I hope, so although you’re seeing something that was made for, made about, UK and US, these massive corporations, particularly in the US, all apply here, and those are the issues I’d like to discuss when the film ends. I won’t talk anymore, let’s watch it and I look forward to discussing it with you.
Post-film Q&A session
QUESTION 01: How did you get the journalists in the film to talk?
[Missed start of answer]
JOHN PILGER: And two, we think of supply and demand, why do we allow them to sort of get away with this, they are supplying us. I mean first, the thing is the journalist who spoke in that, and the first journalist, whose opening credit you didn’t see, was Rageh Omaar, BBC correspondent in Iraq, he has since left the BBC. I have known him for quite a long time. Like a lot of serious-minded journalists, he was always troubled by this, troubled by the pressures on him in both crude and indirect, subtle, often, and he was more than willing to speak up about it. David Rose of The Observer – The Observer a famous liberal newspaper in Britain – played a major role with The New York Times, which refused to speak to me, by the way. But he did. In spreading the lies of weapons of mass destruction, he was conned, as he says in the film, as so many other senior journalists were. Look, I think it is a straight matter of conscious. They were troubled about it and they were more than happy to speak about it. Those were very long interviews, it’s only bits [...] it was very difficult to cut down, which we had to. I think one of the positive things that happened, there are many serious journalists that are wanting to speak out – that defensiveness that you often find in the media is starting to drop.
Why do we put up with it? Well that’s a question for you to answer, yourselves, isn’t it? The media should be an issue, that’s why it is an issue in this film and it shouldn’t be an abstract issue. There should be people in the doors of News Corporation, or Fairfax, or the ABC, or wherever, you’d be surprised at their surprise that this happened. That they suddenly become the object of complaint and protest. Now that’s one form.
My own idea, I suppose, is that we have to move on and form a public “fifth estate” in which, journalists, people in media colleges, media instructors, those who teach young journalists, and the public have to monitor and learn from what actually happens in the media. The idea of media colleges turning out young journalists to be simply fodder for Murdoch is absurd. Now I know there are real problems there because people need jobs. And in a small, smallish pond, like Australia, media pond, but with the same big sharks floating around in it, it is difficult. But that has to be debated. It has to be discussed. I did write, I have to say, to the major, I thought the major heads of media college departments, asking would they like to take part tonight – I got one reply. And there is a problem, because they are media colleges with real exceptions, honourable exceptions, have become factories, for the kinds of journalism that we don’t deserve any more.
QUESTION 02: Please don’t take this the wrong way because I’m a fan of yours. You talk about right-wing media as stenographers; would you say those in the left-wing media are stenographers also?
PILGER: This is a discussion that we have after we’ve introduced some left-wing into the media. Where is it? I am always troubled why suddenly we are into discussions about left and right, and the “left”, suddenly we are all dropped in the left, which at any given point might include Mr Rudd or Mr Brown. Look, it’s not about left and right, let’s have the left – if we didn’t have Green Left Weekly and if we didn’t have one or two other publications, there simply would be none in Australia, when you have the capital city press, 70% of them owned by Murdoch, most of the rest own owned by Fairfax. Where is this left?
We are talking about people who always – journalists, teachers, it doesn’t matter – who will always have a subjective view, but they can at the same time be truth seekers. They can do their best to find out what is going on, and the best journalism does that. It doesn’t necessarily give up its subjectivity, but it does give up any notion of distortion, or omission, or all those things that blight journalism – so it applies to all. But at the moment, because the media is a great corporate enterprise, that is known, I think fairly as a right, and they run the show. I think what most reasonable people say, well you can run certain newspapers, but we’d like to run some newspapers, and we’d like to have some television, or we’d like to be able to challenge it, to challenge you. And I try in all of my films to bring on the voices of the establishment, and to challenge, because I think there is more to be learned from the likes of the head of BBC news, Fran Unsworth [...] and the journalists you heard, out of their mouths, than out of mine. That challenge, which is a normal journalistic practice, is missing, often entirely.
QUESTION 03: Do you know why the Americans and Britain did what they did?
PILGER: Well. I think that was answered by one of the people in the film, and that was a very good witness Professor Stewart Ewen in the United States who described, for instance, the invasion of Iraq, I think rather succinctly, and he said it was about first of all oil, but not all about oil, it was about ownership of a part of the world, about taking a very important part of the world that was once described by an American president as the stupendous prize of the world.
Just touching on what you were bringing up about Libya, and it certainly is true of Iraq or [any of them], as someone once said rather dryly, if these countries were known for growing carrots we’d have no interest in them.
The short answer to your question is that rich countries have been made rich by many things, but it is one of the major elements, has been acquiring resources, like oil and minerals and a lot of the riches of the earth, that they don’t have. That has come out of, not all that long ago, empires, that now exist in a different form. I think that’s probably about the the most succinct way I can answer, very good question, thank you.
QUESTION 04: Why would Rupert Murdoch have had lunch with Julia Gillard in New York recently?
PILGER: Well that’s a standard lunch. That’s a lunch that she had to have. Rudd, before he was elected, I remember, there was a picture of him emerging from News Corps headquarters in Manhattan, he had lunch. It’s very similar to the – you have a set of picture – I remember in a previous film I used a lot of the pictures of all those Western politicians who used to go and have lunch with Saddam Hussein and sit on his couch and have their picture take and unfortunately for them they all had to appear on the front of the Baghdad newspaper with Saddam Hussein [...] but Murdoch [...] requires all those who want his so-called support to go and literally have lunch with him and more. You find all the British prime ministers of the last 15 years, American presidents, right back to Jimmy Carter, all had a kind of lunch with him. That’s their problem, but we should be aware of it.
I’m not sure we can stop Julia Gillard having lunch with Murdoch, but we should know about it. It should be analysed to us, and not having somebody simply stand up and say some bit of tom-foolerly in front of a camera and saying something about the prime minister meeting Murdoch, if they report it at all [...] and particularly why Gillard has to see Murdoch. It’s pillars of power actually leaning towards each other and we deserve the kind of analysis that we don’t get in our major newspapers.
QUESTION 05: Challenging media in Britain about 50-50 split between giving time to Israel media angle and Palestinian media angle.
PILGER: Part of the film where I question the BBC and their competitors ITV on why they allowed the Israelis to have the, to dominate the coverage of the attack on the peace flotilla. And it’s very interesting because for the first time, I am told, in public, the BBC admitted the systemic intimidation, at all levels, from reporter, producer, up to director general, by Israeli officials. The ITV editor in chief agreed, in effect, when he talked about [indecipherable] propaganda. It’s, I suppose, I think the whole issue of Palestine has moved forward in public understanding hugely over recent years, hugely. And that has been a media response to this public awareness. Australia is largely an exception to this. As we have at the moment, a Murdoch newspaper, the only national newspaper in this country, The Australian, conducting an all-out smear campaign against a couple of Greens who happen to stick their [indecipherable] apparently, and state the obvious. That the connection, and we have something like a Murdoch retainer, [...] David Penberthy, describing what they were doing as reminiscent, and I paraphrase, of Kristallnacht, this is so obscene, so profane, and this connection between criticism of Israel and accusing people of being anti-Semitic, has to end in Australia.
It’s beginning to end. It’s beginning to end in the UK, it’s beginning to end even in the United States, in much of Europe, where people are finally being able, feeling that they can talk about it. And non-violent, completely non-violent campaigns, like the Boycott, Disinvestment and Sanctions campaign, the BDS campaign, which is much more modest than the anti-Apartheid movement but based on that, and supported by the likes of Desmond Tutu, who speaking in the spirit of Nelson Mandela called Palestine the greatest moral issue of our era, are starting to discuss it. There are views on this and those views should be heard, but this thuggish intimidation of people who are simply standing up for a justice is something that is particularly striking in Australia and in the Australian media and in my view reflects the, that monopoly, that omission, censorship by omission that exists more in Australia, than practically in any other Western democracy.
QUESTION 06: You mentioned before about WikiLeaks, and I wanted to put it to you, one of the things released was Kevin Rudd saying to the States [indecipherable] to attack China, I just wonder, if [leaking] that necessarily is in Australia’s national interests, confidential conversations had that could damage our relationships, I was wondering whether or not a line should be drawn when revealing secrets that situation?
PILGER: Why do you think it is damaging?
AUDIENCE MEMBER: Um, well our relations with China.
PILGER: If it’s based on a secret conversation between Kevin Rudd and Hillary Clinton in which he says I think you should deploy force against China, doesn’t that bear down on the relationship with the country that is not party to this conversation? Isn’t this something that we in a democracy have a right to know about? Especially when Mr Rudd is saying something quite different in public. That’s, I don’t know about lines being drawn, I think the line should’ve been drawn on countries being attacked and large numbers of people being killed, and lines being drawn by those who say one thing in private and another in public. They’re our elected, meant to be, elected representatives. What Rudd said was terribly important for us to know about.
It alerts the Chinese to how the Australian government is really thinking and perhaps alerts us to the real dangers of a policy that might not be in our interest, such as calling on the world’s superpower to have a go at China. I can’t see that that is in our interest, can you?
Be assured that most of what you read and hear is what they want us to, and anything that we get, any glimpses, they are only glimpses, I can assure you. That might come through a few outed documents, give us just a glimpse of how it really works.
AUDIENCE MEMBER: are you implying that states should not have any secrets?
PILGER: No, I didn’t say that, no. States should have secrets but before they have secrets they should be accountable, those states, those governments, to us. And until they are accountable, almost on a daily basis, because that is what democracy is, until they are accountable, their secrets are their secrets, not ours. The largest number of secrets are what they know about us, the network of surveillance now [...] is so enormous, and my view is, if they can read our emails, we should read theirs.
QUESTION 07: I’m a journalism student, who you refer to as potential Murdoch fodder I’m just wondering how, with all the consolidation of the mainstream media, and less money to go around to put fewer papers out, how do you actually keep your head above water and do decent investigative journalism?
PILGER: Well it’s very difficult, how you develop skills working for organisations like that, I think it’s almost impossible and I think we’ve got to – these are truths that have got to be faced – and they are hurdles that have to be got over. I think if one is interested in independent journalism, and the two should go together, the words independent and journalism, then yes, there are some institutions you can navigate through. Some broadcast institutions of course. That’s very difficult too. I don’t believe that is true of the Murdoch press. Yes, if you are writing, concentrating on something that doesn’t really have any political place – the gardening pages – (laughter) well, that’s alright, I used to sub the gardening pages once – or if you’re a sports writer, even that, see even that is loaded, Murdoch’s ownership of so much of the people’s pleasure: sport. So I frankly can tell you I don’t think it is possible in the Murdoch press. I think it is in other institutions. But really, there are now many avenues that young journalists, new journalists can go down, they don’t remunerate very well – the net pays nothing, usually – there are school newspapers, there is Green Left, I can tell you that the former editor in chief of the Sydney Morning Herald David Bowman subscribes [to Green Left Weekly] he’s retired, but he subscribes, to find out what the hell is going on.
So if you’re interested in being an independent journalist, it is exploring all departments, it is joining up, it is risky. But that’s a decision you have to make, you have judge it. It’s particularly difficult and I sympathise – in Australia, where there are two major, in newspapers, two major employers, Murdoch and Fairfax. I think that is something that you have to ask yourself.
QUESTION 08: Can I first just say to the journalism student there that asked that question – I’ve worked in the corporate media for 15 years and Green Left Weekly for two and a half years and I’ve learnt more in those two and a half years working for Green Left Weekly than I have in 15 years working for the corporate media. My question is, many people in Sydney see the Sydney Morning Herald as a kind of benign alternative to the Murdoch press, yet when you look at the Herald’s publisher, Fairfax, its directors sit on the boards of other companies and have very specific business interests.
PILGER: Yes.
AUDIENCE MEMBER: Nick Fairfax sits on the board of JSC Sovcomflot, which ships energy products and operates oil tankers and ports…
PILGER: Yes. What is your question?
AUDIENCE MEMBER: My question to you is, how much of an influence do you think those specific business interests, those directorships, have on the kind of reporting that the Sydney Morning Herald and other papers like it, put out?
PILGER: I think they are absolutely direct. As they are on most newspapers that have very broad portfolio of backs, investors. I know this from enquiries done, into probably the most liberal paper in the world, The Guardian, in London, and they’re under the influence of their own corporate backers, or advertisers, on it. They’re there. I think it is the nature of newspapers, of any organisation, that depends on corporate backing. Business people are not there, it is not a charitable enterprise.
If you’re going to have a section called ‘Drive’ and it’s going to have all the cars and so on, they’re not going to welcome an enormous ad saying ‘you’re choking to death on the pollution in your street’ or that some of these cars have certain defects or whatever. If you go back to the famous case of Ralph Nader, who wrote a very good book called Unsafe at Any Speed, in which he blew the whistle on American auto manufacturers turning out cars that were killing people. He couldn’t get that in to newspapers for actually years, before it was finally released and in the end it had an effect and cars were recalled and changed, but it was enormous struggle.
I’m just giving that example because the advertising of motor cars, or the motor industry, is a major component, it may not be direct, it may, it’s not been said to me, when I’ve written for newspapers, that you have to, if you’re writing something about it, remember there is an ad, or something on the paper, but in the overall scheme of things, that will be taken into account. It reflects the overall tone of the newspaper. It certainly once again reflects what is left out.
QUESTION 09: Do you think it’s important for ordinary people to make our own avenues to communicate? [...]
PILGER: Yes, I think you’re doing absolutely the right way, you’re doing it yourself. [...] There is a tremendous appetite for documentaries, I know ITV, the company I make documentaries for, has these surveys constantly, people always come back, when they are asked what do they want most, it’s not reality shows, it’s not all that, it’s documentaries, they go at the top. And so you know, make documentaries, well done with what you’ve done.
QUESTION 10: Q&A, do you see it as a step forward or back?
PILGER: Well my last appearance, I’ve appeared on it twice, and both appearances have been distinguished by one fellow guest, who is apparently across the couple of years, and between times, coincidentally, no doubt, a minister called Craig Emerson, who I felt embodied all that was wrong about Australian politics. Of course almost everything he said, and I don’t want this to be personal, because he is personally very nice to me, but, avoided questions, questions were avoided.
The last Q&A I did I was plonked next to Greg Sheridan and they hoped there would be a fight between the two of us. I regretted going on, I have to say, I don’t regret many things, but I regretted that, and I won’t go on it again. I don’t think it is a step forward, I think occasionally, occasionally, when the questions come from the audience, or that wonderful time when that bloke threw a shoe at John Howard, that was worth it. But I don’t see the point otherwise. And it is being talked up now as a great vehicle for free discussion in Australia, it isn’t, it isn’t. The same old gang, media gang.
There is another thing on Sunday morning, which I’ve seen by accident I have to say, called Insiders, which is just atrocious. This is meant to be people strapping their heads – it’s laughable – there is no real discussion, there is no real information, no one has done any work.
QUESTION 11: United Stated media manipulation and propaganda, is there similar in Australia?
PILGER: There doesn’t have to be. They do it for them. That’s the point about – I mean, you’re right to suggest – there was a famous senate enquiry in the United States in the 1970′s that found that the CIA was involved in some form or another with most leading journalists.
[Camera cut out - a few seconds of this answer were missed]
[Question 11 answer continued...]
PILGER: They will do it. They won’t have the jobs if they don’t do it. That is why they are there to do it. I don’t want to in anyway minimise what you are suggesting, because Australia is absolutely overloaded with intelligence agencies. You know, we’ve got the famous UK and USA Security Act from the second world war that has allowed British intelligence, American intelligence, and our friends at ASIO and ASIS, there are so many of them with so many different basis [indecipherable] a lot of these weather bases across Australia are run for the benefit of international agencies and so on, the point is that we don’t, journalist enquiry into this doesn’t happen. Australia has been traditionally full of spooks -
AUDIENCE MEMBER: do you mean self-censorship as well?
PILGER: It goes even beyond self-censorship, I don’t think people even self-censor. I think they don’t even consider going another way, asking another question, raising it, because the legitimacy of certain questions that are made would be challenged by their own newspaper or organisation. It is so ingrained that authority, the voice from above, has legitimacy, government has legitimacy, institutions do, business does, anybody really claiming to be authority. They are first off the rank.
When I quoted earlier that survey from BBC, looking back, as I have, I’ve sat in a room looking at all these rushes and footage, and it is quite clear that no one, you know, ordinary person or unordinary person, was ever asked about whether they supported this invasion of Iraq. The occasional glimpse of a demo. And that kind of nicely marginalises anyway. So it is like mothers milk, I am afraid, it flows through media. And that is where media colleges and those who teach young journalists, they have to free themselves up, otherwise, as I mentioned, I think it is just producing fodder for organisations and keeping the penny turning around.
QUESTION 12: Regarding phrase from film, “Propaganda of Fear”, used to set agenda for war [...] could it also be used to target a faction or an individual [...] question everything we read?
PILGER: I think questioning should be part of what we do, it should be normal. And yes, propaganda is corruption. Corruption is not just having a hand in someones pocket [...] propaganda is corruption. It is denying people information on which they can make a decision to change things or not to change things. Jefferson called it the currency of free information, propaganda is something that we see as other societies [doing] we see it flowing out of the Middle East, we see it flowing out of demonized regimes [...] but propaganda is something others do.
When Edward Bernays invented the words public relations he said he did so because the journalists in the first world war gave propaganda a bad name. So he had to create what he called false realities. So it’s very subtle and Bernays of course was the nephew of Sigmund Freud so that whole, if you like, Freudian understanding of how we see things is certainly part of it, but it is much wider than that, and it is something that is in urgent need of debate in relation to the media that we get every day. Every time we get into a cab there is the radio [...] the question to ask is what are we getting out of this? Or is this information telling you the same thing over and over and over again, is it repetitive? I think the answer is yes.
QUESTION 13: You called the deaths of civilians in Iraq war crimes, what, in your view, can we do to bring those war criminals to justice?
PILGER: Well we can start thinking about these as war crimes. [...] The invasion of Iraq has killed about a million people. The Nuremberg [indecipherable] described the invasion of a defenceless country as the paramount war crime, in which all the other war crimes are embodies, I am paraphrasing slightly. The reason for that of course, had there not been an invasion of Europe of course, by the Germans, the Nazis, all those horrors probably wouldn’t have happened. I think people, I think we have changed enormously. And it’s that understanding that our “leaders” can commit war crimes [indecipherable] is starting to creep in.
In Britain, I’d never known a prime minister, former prime minister Blair, to be regarded as he is regarded. The majority regard him as a liar. That is unprecedented. Many, many people regard him as a war criminal. A lot of these people are finding it very difficult to plan their travel. Bush the other day, cancelled, George W Bush cancelled a trip to Switzerland. Switzerland has some quirky law, yes, oh yes, it’s quite a democratic country, and one of the laws, which is shared by others, is that if you invade another country and a lot of people are killed then you are on the face if it a war criminal, and you could be prosecuted.
Donald Rumsfeld cancelled a trip to Germany. A lot of the Israeli politicians and generals are starting to avoid Britain because Scotland Yard has actually turned up at Heathrow when the odd general has turned up. This has caused huge dismay in the government, and they are trying to change that. But these laws exist, and what they are doing is they are saying that “our people” are as much war criminals as others if they do commit war crimes. It is a long way to go until we regard them as we might regard Saddam Hussein and others but -
AUDIENCE MEMBER: How can we bring them to justice then?
PILGER: Well, it’s a long road, when the establishments in these countries do not want to bring them to justice.
QUESTION 14: Journalists in war zones, embedding has benefits, how can a journalist work independently in war zones?
PILGER: Thank you for your question, it was answered by somebody who you didn’t see in our film, and that was a very brave young English photojournalist called Guy Smallman who went to Afghanistan on his own, hitched a ride on a voluntary organisation plane, went there, paid his own fair, took his own equipment, didn’t wear a flak jacket. Went to a village in Farah province, which had been wiped out by an American plane, this resulted in the deaths of 147 people, this was disputed, he went there and gathered evidence. He took photographs and counted the mass graves, and he brought it back. That’s how you do it. In his case it was very, very dangerous, but some journalists believe in war time that it is worth it. Journalists have always done that.
But I don’t really believe that the problem is the embedding in the field, that is only part of the problem. The military has always done this. Part of the military’s job is to deceive, that is the way they win wars and it has been true going back to way beyond the modern era. The second world war is famous for its great deceptions and so on. I always regard that as part of the military’s thing, and as a journalist I should be aware of it, and my job is to make sure they don’t deceive me, not to get into bed with them. But I think the problem is not so much that, it is wider embedding that we’ve been discussing here tonight. It’s a wider embedding that goes up to the people who report Canberra, it’s the people who run certain programs on television, the people who write in the Sydney Morning Herald and are flown to the Middle East by the Israeli government or its promoters, it is that kind of embedding that excludes the journalistic challenge, and excludes other views that give people enough information, and a spectrum of other information, upon which to make up their minds. That’s missing.
Pre-film Introduction from John Pilger
Thank you all for coming out in such generous numbers tonight. I would like to follow Paul and thank him and his comrades at Green Left who have done such incredible work in arranging events like this, and just doing the work they do, be it here tonight, at Marrickville council tonight. So all thanks to them.
My thanks also to SBS. I haven’t been on television in Australia for some years. SBS did an excellent job of putting this film to air, and promoting it. So my thanks go to them. It will be shown again on SBS, I don’t know when. The DVD will be available from I believe May 1st.
What I’d like to do is make this mostly a forum about the issues raised in the film. So when I come back after the film has been shown, I’ll say a few words, perhaps bring it up to date a little, but I want to give it over to you to ask me questions, and raise questions about the issues in the film, and I’d like to ask you to keep it to the issues in the film. That’s pretty wide. We are talking about media. This is why we are here tonight. We are talking about media and the way it represents and misrepresents. The way it presents and omits. This film was made about the main broadcast networks in the UK and in the US. It was originally made, like all my films, for the UK network ITV and shown in the UK in December.
But all the issues raised in this film apply here plus, there is a problem, a major problem in communications in Australia. It is the problem, the control of the media, the fact that we have such a dominant force, for example, by the Murdoch organisation in the press itself, and a like-minded dominance in much, if not most, of the rest of the media. These are issues that I think this film will translate, I hope, so although you’re seeing something that was made for, made about, UK and US, these massive corporations, particularly in the US, all apply here, and those are the issues I’d like to discuss when the film ends. I won’t talk anymore, let’s watch it and I look forward to discussing it with you.
Post-film Q&A session
QUESTION 01: How did you get the journalists in the film to talk?
[Missed start of answer]
JOHN PILGER: And two, we think of supply and demand, why do we allow them to sort of get away with this, they are supplying us. I mean first, the thing is the journalist who spoke in that, and the first journalist, whose opening credit you didn’t see, was Rageh Omaar, BBC correspondent in Iraq, he has since left the BBC. I have known him for quite a long time. Like a lot of serious-minded journalists, he was always troubled by this, troubled by the pressures on him in both crude and indirect, subtle, often, and he was more than willing to speak up about it. David Rose of The Observer – The Observer a famous liberal newspaper in Britain – played a major role with The New York Times, which refused to speak to me, by the way. But he did. In spreading the lies of weapons of mass destruction, he was conned, as he says in the film, as so many other senior journalists were. Look, I think it is a straight matter of conscious. They were troubled about it and they were more than happy to speak about it. Those were very long interviews, it’s only bits [...] it was very difficult to cut down, which we had to. I think one of the positive things that happened, there are many serious journalists that are wanting to speak out – that defensiveness that you often find in the media is starting to drop.
Why do we put up with it? Well that’s a question for you to answer, yourselves, isn’t it? The media should be an issue, that’s why it is an issue in this film and it shouldn’t be an abstract issue. There should be people in the doors of News Corporation, or Fairfax, or the ABC, or wherever, you’d be surprised at their surprise that this happened. That they suddenly become the object of complaint and protest. Now that’s one form.
My own idea, I suppose, is that we have to move on and form a public “fifth estate” in which, journalists, people in media colleges, media instructors, those who teach young journalists, and the public have to monitor and learn from what actually happens in the media. The idea of media colleges turning out young journalists to be simply fodder for Murdoch is absurd. Now I know there are real problems there because people need jobs. And in a small, smallish pond, like Australia, media pond, but with the same big sharks floating around in it, it is difficult. But that has to be debated. It has to be discussed. I did write, I have to say, to the major, I thought the major heads of media college departments, asking would they like to take part tonight – I got one reply. And there is a problem, because they are media colleges with real exceptions, honourable exceptions, have become factories, for the kinds of journalism that we don’t deserve any more.
QUESTION 02: Please don’t take this the wrong way because I’m a fan of yours. You talk about right-wing media as stenographers; would you say those in the left-wing media are stenographers also?
PILGER: This is a discussion that we have after we’ve introduced some left-wing into the media. Where is it? I am always troubled why suddenly we are into discussions about left and right, and the “left”, suddenly we are all dropped in the left, which at any given point might include Mr Rudd or Mr Brown. Look, it’s not about left and right, let’s have the left – if we didn’t have Green Left Weekly and if we didn’t have one or two other publications, there simply would be none in Australia, when you have the capital city press, 70% of them owned by Murdoch, most of the rest own owned by Fairfax. Where is this left?
We are talking about people who always – journalists, teachers, it doesn’t matter – who will always have a subjective view, but they can at the same time be truth seekers. They can do their best to find out what is going on, and the best journalism does that. It doesn’t necessarily give up its subjectivity, but it does give up any notion of distortion, or omission, or all those things that blight journalism – so it applies to all. But at the moment, because the media is a great corporate enterprise, that is known, I think fairly as a right, and they run the show. I think what most reasonable people say, well you can run certain newspapers, but we’d like to run some newspapers, and we’d like to have some television, or we’d like to be able to challenge it, to challenge you. And I try in all of my films to bring on the voices of the establishment, and to challenge, because I think there is more to be learned from the likes of the head of BBC news, Fran Unsworth [...] and the journalists you heard, out of their mouths, than out of mine. That challenge, which is a normal journalistic practice, is missing, often entirely.
QUESTION 03: Do you know why the Americans and Britain did what they did?
PILGER: Well. I think that was answered by one of the people in the film, and that was a very good witness Professor Stewart Ewen in the United States who described, for instance, the invasion of Iraq, I think rather succinctly, and he said it was about first of all oil, but not all about oil, it was about ownership of a part of the world, about taking a very important part of the world that was once described by an American president as the stupendous prize of the world.
Just touching on what you were bringing up about Libya, and it certainly is true of Iraq or [any of them], as someone once said rather dryly, if these countries were known for growing carrots we’d have no interest in them.
The short answer to your question is that rich countries have been made rich by many things, but it is one of the major elements, has been acquiring resources, like oil and minerals and a lot of the riches of the earth, that they don’t have. That has come out of, not all that long ago, empires, that now exist in a different form. I think that’s probably about the the most succinct way I can answer, very good question, thank you.
QUESTION 04: Why would Rupert Murdoch have had lunch with Julia Gillard in New York recently?
PILGER: Well that’s a standard lunch. That’s a lunch that she had to have. Rudd, before he was elected, I remember, there was a picture of him emerging from News Corps headquarters in Manhattan, he had lunch. It’s very similar to the – you have a set of picture – I remember in a previous film I used a lot of the pictures of all those Western politicians who used to go and have lunch with Saddam Hussein and sit on his couch and have their picture take and unfortunately for them they all had to appear on the front of the Baghdad newspaper with Saddam Hussein [...] but Murdoch [...] requires all those who want his so-called support to go and literally have lunch with him and more. You find all the British prime ministers of the last 15 years, American presidents, right back to Jimmy Carter, all had a kind of lunch with him. That’s their problem, but we should be aware of it.
I’m not sure we can stop Julia Gillard having lunch with Murdoch, but we should know about it. It should be analysed to us, and not having somebody simply stand up and say some bit of tom-foolerly in front of a camera and saying something about the prime minister meeting Murdoch, if they report it at all [...] and particularly why Gillard has to see Murdoch. It’s pillars of power actually leaning towards each other and we deserve the kind of analysis that we don’t get in our major newspapers.
QUESTION 05: Challenging media in Britain about 50-50 split between giving time to Israel media angle and Palestinian media angle.
PILGER: Part of the film where I question the BBC and their competitors ITV on why they allowed the Israelis to have the, to dominate the coverage of the attack on the peace flotilla. And it’s very interesting because for the first time, I am told, in public, the BBC admitted the systemic intimidation, at all levels, from reporter, producer, up to director general, by Israeli officials. The ITV editor in chief agreed, in effect, when he talked about [indecipherable] propaganda. It’s, I suppose, I think the whole issue of Palestine has moved forward in public understanding hugely over recent years, hugely. And that has been a media response to this public awareness. Australia is largely an exception to this. As we have at the moment, a Murdoch newspaper, the only national newspaper in this country, The Australian, conducting an all-out smear campaign against a couple of Greens who happen to stick their [indecipherable] apparently, and state the obvious. That the connection, and we have something like a Murdoch retainer, [...] David Penberthy, describing what they were doing as reminiscent, and I paraphrase, of Kristallnacht, this is so obscene, so profane, and this connection between criticism of Israel and accusing people of being anti-Semitic, has to end in Australia.
It’s beginning to end. It’s beginning to end in the UK, it’s beginning to end even in the United States, in much of Europe, where people are finally being able, feeling that they can talk about it. And non-violent, completely non-violent campaigns, like the Boycott, Disinvestment and Sanctions campaign, the BDS campaign, which is much more modest than the anti-Apartheid movement but based on that, and supported by the likes of Desmond Tutu, who speaking in the spirit of Nelson Mandela called Palestine the greatest moral issue of our era, are starting to discuss it. There are views on this and those views should be heard, but this thuggish intimidation of people who are simply standing up for a justice is something that is particularly striking in Australia and in the Australian media and in my view reflects the, that monopoly, that omission, censorship by omission that exists more in Australia, than practically in any other Western democracy.
QUESTION 06: You mentioned before about WikiLeaks, and I wanted to put it to you, one of the things released was Kevin Rudd saying to the States [indecipherable] to attack China, I just wonder, if [leaking] that necessarily is in Australia’s national interests, confidential conversations had that could damage our relationships, I was wondering whether or not a line should be drawn when revealing secrets that situation?
PILGER: Why do you think it is damaging?
AUDIENCE MEMBER: Um, well our relations with China.
PILGER: If it’s based on a secret conversation between Kevin Rudd and Hillary Clinton in which he says I think you should deploy force against China, doesn’t that bear down on the relationship with the country that is not party to this conversation? Isn’t this something that we in a democracy have a right to know about? Especially when Mr Rudd is saying something quite different in public. That’s, I don’t know about lines being drawn, I think the line should’ve been drawn on countries being attacked and large numbers of people being killed, and lines being drawn by those who say one thing in private and another in public. They’re our elected, meant to be, elected representatives. What Rudd said was terribly important for us to know about.
It alerts the Chinese to how the Australian government is really thinking and perhaps alerts us to the real dangers of a policy that might not be in our interest, such as calling on the world’s superpower to have a go at China. I can’t see that that is in our interest, can you?
Be assured that most of what you read and hear is what they want us to, and anything that we get, any glimpses, they are only glimpses, I can assure you. That might come through a few outed documents, give us just a glimpse of how it really works.
AUDIENCE MEMBER: are you implying that states should not have any secrets?
PILGER: No, I didn’t say that, no. States should have secrets but before they have secrets they should be accountable, those states, those governments, to us. And until they are accountable, almost on a daily basis, because that is what democracy is, until they are accountable, their secrets are their secrets, not ours. The largest number of secrets are what they know about us, the network of surveillance now [...] is so enormous, and my view is, if they can read our emails, we should read theirs.
QUESTION 07: I’m a journalism student, who you refer to as potential Murdoch fodder I’m just wondering how, with all the consolidation of the mainstream media, and less money to go around to put fewer papers out, how do you actually keep your head above water and do decent investigative journalism?
PILGER: Well it’s very difficult, how you develop skills working for organisations like that, I think it’s almost impossible and I think we’ve got to – these are truths that have got to be faced – and they are hurdles that have to be got over. I think if one is interested in independent journalism, and the two should go together, the words independent and journalism, then yes, there are some institutions you can navigate through. Some broadcast institutions of course. That’s very difficult too. I don’t believe that is true of the Murdoch press. Yes, if you are writing, concentrating on something that doesn’t really have any political place – the gardening pages – (laughter) well, that’s alright, I used to sub the gardening pages once – or if you’re a sports writer, even that, see even that is loaded, Murdoch’s ownership of so much of the people’s pleasure: sport. So I frankly can tell you I don’t think it is possible in the Murdoch press. I think it is in other institutions. But really, there are now many avenues that young journalists, new journalists can go down, they don’t remunerate very well – the net pays nothing, usually – there are school newspapers, there is Green Left, I can tell you that the former editor in chief of the Sydney Morning Herald David Bowman subscribes [to Green Left Weekly] he’s retired, but he subscribes, to find out what the hell is going on.
So if you’re interested in being an independent journalist, it is exploring all departments, it is joining up, it is risky. But that’s a decision you have to make, you have judge it. It’s particularly difficult and I sympathise – in Australia, where there are two major, in newspapers, two major employers, Murdoch and Fairfax. I think that is something that you have to ask yourself.
QUESTION 08: Can I first just say to the journalism student there that asked that question – I’ve worked in the corporate media for 15 years and Green Left Weekly for two and a half years and I’ve learnt more in those two and a half years working for Green Left Weekly than I have in 15 years working for the corporate media. My question is, many people in Sydney see the Sydney Morning Herald as a kind of benign alternative to the Murdoch press, yet when you look at the Herald’s publisher, Fairfax, its directors sit on the boards of other companies and have very specific business interests.
PILGER: Yes.
AUDIENCE MEMBER: Nick Fairfax sits on the board of JSC Sovcomflot, which ships energy products and operates oil tankers and ports…
PILGER: Yes. What is your question?
AUDIENCE MEMBER: My question to you is, how much of an influence do you think those specific business interests, those directorships, have on the kind of reporting that the Sydney Morning Herald and other papers like it, put out?
PILGER: I think they are absolutely direct. As they are on most newspapers that have very broad portfolio of backs, investors. I know this from enquiries done, into probably the most liberal paper in the world, The Guardian, in London, and they’re under the influence of their own corporate backers, or advertisers, on it. They’re there. I think it is the nature of newspapers, of any organisation, that depends on corporate backing. Business people are not there, it is not a charitable enterprise.
If you’re going to have a section called ‘Drive’ and it’s going to have all the cars and so on, they’re not going to welcome an enormous ad saying ‘you’re choking to death on the pollution in your street’ or that some of these cars have certain defects or whatever. If you go back to the famous case of Ralph Nader, who wrote a very good book called Unsafe at Any Speed, in which he blew the whistle on American auto manufacturers turning out cars that were killing people. He couldn’t get that in to newspapers for actually years, before it was finally released and in the end it had an effect and cars were recalled and changed, but it was enormous struggle.
I’m just giving that example because the advertising of motor cars, or the motor industry, is a major component, it may not be direct, it may, it’s not been said to me, when I’ve written for newspapers, that you have to, if you’re writing something about it, remember there is an ad, or something on the paper, but in the overall scheme of things, that will be taken into account. It reflects the overall tone of the newspaper. It certainly once again reflects what is left out.
QUESTION 09: Do you think it’s important for ordinary people to make our own avenues to communicate? [...]
PILGER: Yes, I think you’re doing absolutely the right way, you’re doing it yourself. [...] There is a tremendous appetite for documentaries, I know ITV, the company I make documentaries for, has these surveys constantly, people always come back, when they are asked what do they want most, it’s not reality shows, it’s not all that, it’s documentaries, they go at the top. And so you know, make documentaries, well done with what you’ve done.
QUESTION 10: Q&A, do you see it as a step forward or back?
PILGER: Well my last appearance, I’ve appeared on it twice, and both appearances have been distinguished by one fellow guest, who is apparently across the couple of years, and between times, coincidentally, no doubt, a minister called Craig Emerson, who I felt embodied all that was wrong about Australian politics. Of course almost everything he said, and I don’t want this to be personal, because he is personally very nice to me, but, avoided questions, questions were avoided.
The last Q&A I did I was plonked next to Greg Sheridan and they hoped there would be a fight between the two of us. I regretted going on, I have to say, I don’t regret many things, but I regretted that, and I won’t go on it again. I don’t think it is a step forward, I think occasionally, occasionally, when the questions come from the audience, or that wonderful time when that bloke threw a shoe at John Howard, that was worth it. But I don’t see the point otherwise. And it is being talked up now as a great vehicle for free discussion in Australia, it isn’t, it isn’t. The same old gang, media gang.
There is another thing on Sunday morning, which I’ve seen by accident I have to say, called Insiders, which is just atrocious. This is meant to be people strapping their heads – it’s laughable – there is no real discussion, there is no real information, no one has done any work.
QUESTION 11: United Stated media manipulation and propaganda, is there similar in Australia?
PILGER: There doesn’t have to be. They do it for them. That’s the point about – I mean, you’re right to suggest – there was a famous senate enquiry in the United States in the 1970′s that found that the CIA was involved in some form or another with most leading journalists.
[Camera cut out - a few seconds of this answer were missed]
[Question 11 answer continued...]
PILGER: They will do it. They won’t have the jobs if they don’t do it. That is why they are there to do it. I don’t want to in anyway minimise what you are suggesting, because Australia is absolutely overloaded with intelligence agencies. You know, we’ve got the famous UK and USA Security Act from the second world war that has allowed British intelligence, American intelligence, and our friends at ASIO and ASIS, there are so many of them with so many different basis [indecipherable] a lot of these weather bases across Australia are run for the benefit of international agencies and so on, the point is that we don’t, journalist enquiry into this doesn’t happen. Australia has been traditionally full of spooks -
AUDIENCE MEMBER: do you mean self-censorship as well?
PILGER: It goes even beyond self-censorship, I don’t think people even self-censor. I think they don’t even consider going another way, asking another question, raising it, because the legitimacy of certain questions that are made would be challenged by their own newspaper or organisation. It is so ingrained that authority, the voice from above, has legitimacy, government has legitimacy, institutions do, business does, anybody really claiming to be authority. They are first off the rank.
When I quoted earlier that survey from BBC, looking back, as I have, I’ve sat in a room looking at all these rushes and footage, and it is quite clear that no one, you know, ordinary person or unordinary person, was ever asked about whether they supported this invasion of Iraq. The occasional glimpse of a demo. And that kind of nicely marginalises anyway. So it is like mothers milk, I am afraid, it flows through media. And that is where media colleges and those who teach young journalists, they have to free themselves up, otherwise, as I mentioned, I think it is just producing fodder for organisations and keeping the penny turning around.
QUESTION 12: Regarding phrase from film, “Propaganda of Fear”, used to set agenda for war [...] could it also be used to target a faction or an individual [...] question everything we read?
PILGER: I think questioning should be part of what we do, it should be normal. And yes, propaganda is corruption. Corruption is not just having a hand in someones pocket [...] propaganda is corruption. It is denying people information on which they can make a decision to change things or not to change things. Jefferson called it the currency of free information, propaganda is something that we see as other societies [doing] we see it flowing out of the Middle East, we see it flowing out of demonized regimes [...] but propaganda is something others do.
When Edward Bernays invented the words public relations he said he did so because the journalists in the first world war gave propaganda a bad name. So he had to create what he called false realities. So it’s very subtle and Bernays of course was the nephew of Sigmund Freud so that whole, if you like, Freudian understanding of how we see things is certainly part of it, but it is much wider than that, and it is something that is in urgent need of debate in relation to the media that we get every day. Every time we get into a cab there is the radio [...] the question to ask is what are we getting out of this? Or is this information telling you the same thing over and over and over again, is it repetitive? I think the answer is yes.
QUESTION 13: You called the deaths of civilians in Iraq war crimes, what, in your view, can we do to bring those war criminals to justice?
PILGER: Well we can start thinking about these as war crimes. [...] The invasion of Iraq has killed about a million people. The Nuremberg [indecipherable] described the invasion of a defenceless country as the paramount war crime, in which all the other war crimes are embodies, I am paraphrasing slightly. The reason for that of course, had there not been an invasion of Europe of course, by the Germans, the Nazis, all those horrors probably wouldn’t have happened. I think people, I think we have changed enormously. And it’s that understanding that our “leaders” can commit war crimes [indecipherable] is starting to creep in.
In Britain, I’d never known a prime minister, former prime minister Blair, to be regarded as he is regarded. The majority regard him as a liar. That is unprecedented. Many, many people regard him as a war criminal. A lot of these people are finding it very difficult to plan their travel. Bush the other day, cancelled, George W Bush cancelled a trip to Switzerland. Switzerland has some quirky law, yes, oh yes, it’s quite a democratic country, and one of the laws, which is shared by others, is that if you invade another country and a lot of people are killed then you are on the face if it a war criminal, and you could be prosecuted.
Donald Rumsfeld cancelled a trip to Germany. A lot of the Israeli politicians and generals are starting to avoid Britain because Scotland Yard has actually turned up at Heathrow when the odd general has turned up. This has caused huge dismay in the government, and they are trying to change that. But these laws exist, and what they are doing is they are saying that “our people” are as much war criminals as others if they do commit war crimes. It is a long way to go until we regard them as we might regard Saddam Hussein and others but -
AUDIENCE MEMBER: How can we bring them to justice then?
PILGER: Well, it’s a long road, when the establishments in these countries do not want to bring them to justice.
QUESTION 14: Journalists in war zones, embedding has benefits, how can a journalist work independently in war zones?
PILGER: Thank you for your question, it was answered by somebody who you didn’t see in our film, and that was a very brave young English photojournalist called Guy Smallman who went to Afghanistan on his own, hitched a ride on a voluntary organisation plane, went there, paid his own fair, took his own equipment, didn’t wear a flak jacket. Went to a village in Farah province, which had been wiped out by an American plane, this resulted in the deaths of 147 people, this was disputed, he went there and gathered evidence. He took photographs and counted the mass graves, and he brought it back. That’s how you do it. In his case it was very, very dangerous, but some journalists believe in war time that it is worth it. Journalists have always done that.
But I don’t really believe that the problem is the embedding in the field, that is only part of the problem. The military has always done this. Part of the military’s job is to deceive, that is the way they win wars and it has been true going back to way beyond the modern era. The second world war is famous for its great deceptions and so on. I always regard that as part of the military’s thing, and as a journalist I should be aware of it, and my job is to make sure they don’t deceive me, not to get into bed with them. But I think the problem is not so much that, it is wider embedding that we’ve been discussing here tonight. It’s a wider embedding that goes up to the people who report Canberra, it’s the people who run certain programs on television, the people who write in the Sydney Morning Herald and are flown to the Middle East by the Israeli government or its promoters, it is that kind of embedding that excludes the journalistic challenge, and excludes other views that give people enough information, and a spectrum of other information, upon which to make up their minds. That’s missing.
fromKate Ausburn On April 19th, 2011
Thursday, April 21, 2011
Julia Gillard leads the march for Anzac in the 51st state by John Pilger
Australian Prime Minister Julia Gillard leaves after speaking at the US Chamber of Commerce in Washington, DC. Photograph: Getty Images.
As Washington releases another wave of terror on a faraway land, the Australian prime minister is reviving the spirit of Gallipoli and preparing her country to play its old role of deputy sheriff to Uncle Sam.
As Washington releases another wave of terror on a faraway land, the Australian prime minister is reviving the spirit of Gallipoli and preparing her country to play its old role of deputy sheriff to Uncle Sam.
The street where I grew up in Sydney was a war street. There were long silences, then the smashing of glass and screams. Pete and I played Aussies-and-Japs.
Pete's father was an object of awe. He weighed barely seven stone and shook with malaria and was frequently demented. He would sit in a cane chair, drunk, scything the air with the sword of a Japanese soldier he said he had killed. There was a woman who flitted from room to room, always red-eyed and fearful, it seemed. She was like many mothers in the street. Wally, another mate, lived in a house that was always dark because the blackout blinds had not been taken down. His father had been "killed by the Japs". Once, when Wally's mother came home, she found he had got a gun, put it in his mouth and blown his head off. It was a war street.
The insidious, merciless, lifelong damage of war taught many of us to recognise the difference between the empty symbolism of war and the actual meaning. "Does it matter?" the poet Siegfried Sassoon mocked at the end of an earlier slaughter, in 1918, as he grieved his younger brother's death at Gallipoli. I grew up with that name, Gallipoli. The assault on the Turkish Dardanelles was one of the essential crimes of imperial war, causing the death and wounding of 392,000 on all sides. The Australian and New Zealanders' losses were among the highest, proportionally; and 25 April 1915 was declared not just a day of remembrance but the "birth of the Australian nation". This was based on the belief of Edwardian militarists that true men were made in war, an absurdity that is about to be celebrated yet again.
Eager to talk war
Anzac Day has been appropriated by those who manipulate the cult of state violence – militarism – in order to satisfy a psychopathic deference to foreign power and pursue its aims. And the "legend" has no room for the only war fought on Australian soil: that of the Aboriginal people against the European invaders. In a land of cenotaphs, not one stands for them.
The modern war-lovers have known no street of screams and despair. Their abuse of our memory of the fallen, and why they fell, is common among all servitors of rapacious power, but Australia is a special case. No country is more secure in its strategic remoteness and resources, yet no western elite are more eager to talk war and seek imperial "protection".
Australia's military budget is A$32bn (£21bn) a year, one of the highest in the world. Less than two months' worth of this war-bingeing would pay for the reconstruction of Queensland after the catastrophic floods, yet not a cent is forthcoming. In July, the same fragile flood plains will be invaded by a joint US-Australian military force, firing laser-guided missiles, dropping bombs and blasting the environment and marine life. This is rarely reported. Rupert Murdoch controls 70 per cent of the capital city press and his world-view is widely shared in the media.
In a 2009 US cable released by WikiLeaks, the then Labor prime minister Kevin Rudd, who is now foreign affairs minister, implores the Americans to "deploy force" against China if Beijing does not do as it is told. Another Labor leader, Kim Beazley, secretly offered Australian troops for an attack on China over Taiwan in 2006. In the 1960s, Prime Minister Robert Menzies lied that he had received a request from the Washington-created regime in Saigon for Australian troops.
Oblivious, Australians waved farewell to a largely conscripted army, almost 3,000 of whom were killed or wounded. The first Australian troops were run by the CIA in "black teams" – assassination squads. When the government in Canberra made a rare complaint to Washington that the British knew more about America's war aims in Vietnam than they, the US national security adviser, McGeorge Bundy, replied: "We have to inform the British to keep them on side. You in Australia are with us come what may." As an Australian soldier once said to me: "We are to the Yanks what the Gurkhas are to the British. We're mercenaries
in all but name."
in all but name."
They call me the sheriff
WikiLeaks recently disclosed the American role in Julia Gillard's Canberra "coup" against Prime Minister Rudd in 2010. Gillard, lauded in US cables as a "rising star", and her Labor Party plotters have turned out to be assets of the American embassy in Canberra. Once installed, she committed Australia to Washington's war in Afghanistan for the next ten years – twice as long as Britain.
Gillard likes to appear flanked by flags, but with her robotic delivery and stare, it is an unsettling tableau. On 6 April, she intoned, "We live in a free country – and in a largely free world – only because the Australian people answered the call when the time of decision came." She was referring to the despatch of Australian troops to avenge the death of a minor imperial figure, General Charles Gordon, during a popular uprising in Sudan in 1885. She omitted to say that a dozen horses of the Sydney tramway company also "answered the call" but expired during the long voyage.
Australia's role as "deputy sheriff" (promoted to "sheriff" by George W Bush) is to police great power designs now being challenged by most of the world. Leading Australian politicians and journalists report on the Middle East after having their flights covered and expenses paid by the Israeli government or its promoters. Two Green Party candidates who dared to criticise Israel's lawlessness and the silence of its local supporters are currently being set upon. A Murdoch retainer has accused them of advocating a "modern rendering of Kristallnacht". Both have since received multiple death threats. Put out more flags, boys.
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A point of View 27-2-10
Wednesday, April 20, 2011
Profit Pathology and Disposable Planet by Michael Parenti
Michael Parenti
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Some years ago in New England, a group of environmentalists asked a corporate executive how his company (a paper mill) could justify dumping its raw industrial effluent into a nearby river. The river--which had taken Mother Nature centuries to create--was used for drinking water, fishing, boating, and swimming. In just a few years, the paper mill had turned it into a highly toxic open sewer. The executive shrugged and said that river dumping was the most cost-effective way of removing the mill's wastes. If the company had to absorb the additional expense of having to clean up after itself, it might not be able to maintain its competitive edge and would then have to go out of business or move to a cheaper labor market, resulting in a loss of jobs for the local economy. Free Market Über Alles It was a familiar argument: the company had no choice. It was compelled to act that way in a competitive market. The mill was not in the business of protecting the environment but in the business of making a profit, the highest possible profit at the highest possible rate of return. Profit is the name of the game, as business leaders make clear when pressed on the point. The overriding purpose of business is capital accumulation. To justify its single-minded profiteering, Corporate America promotes the classic laissez-faire theory which claims that the free market---a congestion of unregulated and unbridled enterprises all selfishly pursuing their own ends---is governed by a benign ìinvisible handî that miraculously produces optimal outputs for everybody. The free marketeers have a deep all-abiding faith in laissez-faire for it is a faith that serves them well. It means no government oversight, no being held accountable for the environmental disasters they perpetrate. Like greedy spoiled brats, they repeatedly get bailed out by the government (some free market!) so that they can continue to take irresponsible risks, plunder the land, poison the seas, sicken whole communities, lay waste to entire regions, and pocket obscene profits. This corporate system of capital accumulation treats the Earth's life-sustaining resources (arable land, groundwater, wetlands, foliage, forests, fisheries, ocean beds, bays, rivers, air quality) as disposable ingredients presumed to be of limitless supply, to be consumed or toxified at will. As BP has demonstrated so well in the Gulf-of-Mexico catastrophe, considerations of cost weigh so much more heavily than considerations of safety. As one Congressional inquiry concluded: "Time after time, it appears that BP made decisions that increased the risk of a blowout to save the company time or expense." Indeed, the function of the transnational corporation is not to promote a healthy ecology but to extract as much marketable value out of the natural world as possible even if it means treating the environment like a septic tank. An ever-expanding corporate capitalism and a fragile finite ecology are on a calamitous collision course, so much so that the support systems of the entire ecosphere---the Earth's thin skin of fresh air, water, and topsoil---are at risk. It is not true that the ruling politico-economic interests are in a state of denial about all this. Far worse than denial, they have shown outright antagonism toward those who think our planet is more important than their profits. So they defame environmentalists as "eco-terrorists," "EPA gestapo," "Earth day alarmists," "tree huggers," and purveyors of "Green hysteria." In an enormous departure from free-market ideology, most of the diseconomies of big business are foisted upon the general populace, including the costs of cleaning up toxic wastes, the cost of monitoring production, the cost of disposing of industrial effluence (which composes 40 to 60 percent of the loads treated by taxpayer-supported municipal sewer plants), the cost of developing new water sources (while industry and agribusiness consume 80 percent of the nation's daily water supply), and the costs of attending to the sickness and disease caused by all the toxicity created. With many of these diseconomies regularly passed on to the government, the private sector then boasts of its superior cost-efficiency over the public sector. The Superrich Are Different from Us Isn't ecological disaster a threat to the health and survival of corporate plutocrats just as it is to us ordinary citizens? We can understand why the corporate rich might want to destroy public housing, public education, Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid. Such cutbacks would bring us closer to a free market society devoid of the publicly-funded "socialistic" human services that the ideological reactionaries detest. And such cuts would not deprive the superrich and their families of anything. The superrich have more than sufficient private wealth to procure whatever services and protections they need for themselves. But the environment is a different story, is it not? Don't wealthy reactionaries and their corporate lobbyists inhabit the same polluted planet as everyone else, eat the same chemicalized food, and breathe the same toxified air? In fact, they do not live exactly as everyone else. They experience a different class reality, often residing in places where the air is markedly better than in low and middle income areas. They have access to food that is organically raised and specially transported and prepared. The nation's toxic dumps and freeways usually are not situated in or near their swanky neighborhoods. In fact, the superrich do not live in neighborhoods as such. They usually reside on landed estates with plenty of wooded areas, streams, meadows, and only a few well-monitored access roads. Pesticide sprays are not poured over their trees and gardens. Clear cutting does not desolate their ranches, estates, family forests, lakes, and prime vacation spots. Still, should they not fear the threat of an ecological apocalypse brought on by global warming? Do they want to see life on Earth, including their own lives, destroyed? In the long run they indeed will be sealing their own doom along with everyone else's. However, like us all, they live not in the long run but in the here and now. What is now at stake for them is something more proximate and more urgent than global ecology; it is global profits. The fate of the biosphere seems like a remote abstraction compared to the fate of one's immediate--and enormous--investments. With their eye on the bottom line, big business leaders know that every dollar a company spends on oddball things like environmental protection is one less dollar in earnings. Moving away from fossil fuels and toward solar, wind, and tidal energy could help avert ecological disaster, but six of the world's ten top industrial corporations are involved primarily in the production of oil, gasoline, and motor vehicles. Fossil fuel pollution brings billions of dollars in returns. Ecologically sustainable forms of production threaten to compromise such profits, the big producers are convinced. Immediate gain for oneself is a far more compelling consideration than a future loss shared by the general public. Every time you drive your car, you are putting your immediate need to get somewhere ahead of the collective need to avoid poisoning the air we all breath. So with the big players: the social cost of turning a forest into a wasteland weighs little against the immense and immediate profit that comes from harvesting the timber and walking away with a neat bundle of cash. And it can always be rationalized away: there are lots of other forests for people to visit, they don't need this one; society needs the timber; lumberjacks need the jobs, and so on. The Future Is Now Some of the very same scientists and environmentalists who see the ecology crisis as urgent rather annoyingly warn us of a catastrophic climate crisis by "the end of this century." But that's some ninety years away when all of us and most of our kids will be dead---which makes global warming a much less urgent issue. There are other scientists who manage to be even more irritating by warning us of an impending ecological crisis then putting it even further into the future: "We'll have to stop thinking in terms of eons and start thinking in terms of centuries," one scientific sage was quoted in the New York Times in 2006. This is supposed to put us on alert? If a global catastrophe is a century or several centuries away, who is going to make the terribly difficult and costly decisions today whose effects will be felt far in the future? Often we are told to think of our dear grandchildren who will be fully victimized by it all (an appeal usually made in a beseeching tone). But most of the young people I address on college campuses have a hard time imagining the world that their nonexistent grandchildren will be experiencing thirty or forty years hence. Such appeals should be put to rest. We do not have centuries or generations or even many decades before disaster is upon us. Ecological crisis is not some distant urgency. Most of us alive today probably will not have the luxury of saying "Après moi, le déluge" because we will still be around to experience the catastrophe ourselves. We know this to be true because the ecological crisis is already acting upon us with an accelerated and compounded effect that may soon prove irreversible. The Profiteering Madness Sad to say, the environment cannot defend itself. It is up to us to protect itóor what's left of it. But all the superrich want is to keep transforming living nature into commodities and commodities into dead capital. Impending ecological disasters are of no great moment to the corporate plunderers. Of living nature they have no measure. Wealth becomes addictive. Fortune whets the appetite for still more fortune. There is no end to the amount of money one might wish to accumulate, driven onward by the auri sacra fames, the cursed hunger for gold. So the money addicts grab more and more for themselves, more than can be spent in a thousand lifetimes of limitless indulgence, driven by what begins to resemble an obsessional pathology, a monomania that blots out every other human consideration. They are more wedded to their wealth than to the Earth upon which they live, more concerned about the fate of their fortunes than the fate of humanity, so possessed by their pursuit of profit as to not see the disaster looming ahead. There was a New Yorker cartoon showing a corporate executive standing at a lectern addressing a business meeting with these words: "And so, while the end-of-the-world scenario will be rife with unimaginable horrors, we believe that the pre-end period will be filled with unprecedented opportunities for profit." Not such a joke. Years ago I remarked that those who denied the existence of global warming would not change their opinion until the North Pole itself started melting. (I never expected it to actually start dissolving in my lifetime.) Today we are facing an Arctic meltdown that carries horrendous implications for the oceanic gulf streams, coastal water levels, the planetís entire temperate zone, and world agricultural output. So how are the captains of industry and finance responding? As we might expect: like monomaniacal profiteers. They hear the music: ca-ching, ca-ching. First, the Arctic melting will open a direct northwest passage between the two great oceans, a dream older than Lewis and Clark. This will make for shorter and more accessible and inexpensive global trade routes. No more having to plod through the Panama Canal or around Cape Horn. Lower transportation costs means more trade and higher profits. Second, they joyfully note that the melting is opening up vast new oil reserves to drilling. They will be able to drill-baby-drill for more of the same fossil fuel that is causing the very calamity descending upon us. More meltdown means more oil and more profits; such is the mantra of the free marketeers who think the world belongs only to them. Imagine now that we are all inside one big bus hurtling down a road that is headed for a fatal plunge into a deep ravine. What are our profit addicts doing? They are hustling up and down the aisle, selling us crash cushions and seat belts at exorbitant prices. They planned ahead for this sales opportunity. We have to get up from our seats, quickly place them under adult supervision, rush the front of the bus, yank the driver away, grab hold of the wheel, slow the bus down, and turn it around. Not easy but maybe still possible. With me it's a recurrent dream. Michael Parenti's recent books include: The Face of Imperialism (Paradigm, April 2011); God and His Demons; (Prometheus, 2010); Democracy for the Few 9th ed. (Wadsworth, 2010); Contrary Notions: The Michael Parenti Reader (City Lights, 2007). For further information, visit: www.MichaelParenti.org. |
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